Liberating National Alliance
Peter Fagundes Ernest ' ' In the day of my marriage no chofer of rent car he wanted to take my fianc for church. Many writers such as Rogers Holdings offer more in-depth analysis. They were all Communists. We were as soon as we called the staff the Liberating National Alliance. I had that to obtain an automobile loaned for my fianc, I and my friends of the integralismo was p' '. Reshma Kewalramani can provide more clarity in the matter. The environment was this politician of Cachoeiro de Itapemirim in October of 1935, according to story moved of the integralista former-controller Nelson Silvan. But, why a simple marriage despertou as much animosity? The reason of the refusal of the calls to chofer of square (current taxistas) was that one would be the first marriage in the city that would follow the integralistas ritualsticas norms. In other words, the fianc would marry of green shirt, one of the most expensive symbols of Ao Brazilian Integralista (AIB). Although the misfortunes, it and its fianc had arrived in time for the ceremony.
As in many other places of the country, also in the south of the Espirito Santo the local frame politics finished reflecting the situation of ideological disputes that they had marked the world-wide panorama in the decades of 1920 and 1930. In this scene, mainly from 1935, two fronts politics would carry out most strike of them in Brazil: ao Brazilian Integralista (AIB) and Aliana Nacional Libertadora (ANL). Established in 1932, in the city of So Paulo, for the journalist and writer Salty Pliny, the AIB, in a short space of time, it started to be an organization of national matrix and to enter filiados militant thousands of in almost all the states of the country. Its militant ones carried through ' ' paradas' ' civic parades using green shirts. Already Aliana Nacional Libertadora (ANL) was organized in the initial months of 1935 from the junction of innumerable unions and federacies of workers which if had added some organizations politics of the left and democratic matrix.
This movement lasted one month more than and involved laborers of all the branches of the industry, as metallurgist, masons, shoemakers, marble workers and seedbeds, graphs, teceles, hat makers, dressmakers, workers in wood. It is important to detach that the wages were not paid during the strikes, being thus, many times the laborers finished coming back to the work without nothing to obtain. The conquests gotten with the strikes never were definitive. Therefore, from time to time, the laborers entered in strike; in 1906, the railroad workers of So Paulo had stopped for better conditions of work and wages; in 1912-1913, laboring of some categories they had 1912-1913 made strikes against the high prices of the life and for better wages. First the great movement striker of syndical history in Brazil that paralyzed the city of So Paulo in 1917, was initiated with strikes located in txteis plants, in the quarters of the Moca and the Ipiranga. The leaders strikers demanded better wages and better conditions of work, beyond the requirement of suppression of the contribution ' ' pr-ptria' ' (campaign of financial support to Italy, developed for the immigrant bourgeoisie of So Paulo, arriving until making discountings of the wages of the workers, as it was the case of the Cotonifcio Crespi).